With another general strike just behind us and
preparing for a large turn-out on this weekend's march against the imprisonment
of political leaders, it is time to put everything that is happening in Catalunya
these days in perspective once again. A lot of non-truths have been told over the past
couple weeks, both in the national and Catalan press, while the international
media tend to simplify matters beyond the point where the deeper meanings of
the struggle can be appreciated. Yes, it's about money, and it's about pride,
but there is so much more going on. In fact, what we are seeing now has been
cooking for many years, laid upon earlier episodes which have never wanted to
go out of collective memory.
Let us start in 1978. A constitution was
approved for the new Spain, establishing the autonomous regions, each region
bound to Madrid through a statute regulating the balance of competence between
the centre and the outland. This formed the basis of the successful
cohabitation of Spain's two main population centres, Madrid and Barcelona.
Competition was friendly, not in small part thanks to Jordi Pujol, a Catalan
banker and politician who for many years headed the Generalitat, with close
friendships in the inner circles of Spanish power. From Madrid, Felipe González
healed the country's wounds and brought a modicum of prosperity. After a long
dark period, Spain was going up. Then Barcelona got the Olympics of '92 and
turned it into a showcase for itself. It's safe to come back to our city, it
said, we've even got a new beach. Nowhere was Spain mentioned in all the
euphoria, though the chairman of the comity was a good old Franco fascist. I've
always believed this was a turning point. Madrid realised it would have to reign
in those pesky Catalans or it might lose them completely someday. The idea to
strike up a deal, by the way, never came to mind.
What followed is a long story, leading all the
way to the current troubles and what is meant to come next, the complete reinstallation
of Madrid's direct rule over the whole country, something very close to what
seniors still remember from last time round. It all began with José Maria Aznar
and his recentralisation programme, investing almost exclusively in Madrid.
Catalunya suffered it for eight years, and then came, with the seemingly
superfluous help of the Madrid train bombings of 2004, José Luis Rodríguez
Zapatero, a nice guy from León, not belonging to any power structure. He
modernised the face of Spain and we all thought we looked pretty smart. His
were the easy years, until he hit upon the Wall Street crash, which he attacked
in Keynesian fashion, quickly eating away at the reserves before the banks took
over. It postponed the bang for another year, at least, though it made the
crisis only worse. Regions also got to update their statutes. Catalunya's,
after its formal approbation by national parliament, was challenged by then
opposition leader Mariano Rajoy, who in a televised campaign brought 4 million
signatures against parliament's decision. Though it wouldn't bear fruit, it
hurt a lot of Catalans who had half-heartedly consented with the somewhat
maltreated original proposal and now felt their willingness wasn't appreciated.
I heard about it, but new in the country as I was I didn't take it for much.
Next on is 2010, when the whole spectacle
really got going. The constitutional court, strongly influenced by Rajoy's
partido popular, dealt at his request the statute a final blow. So many
ordinary rules were deemed unconstitutional, that the document became basically
unworkable and Catalunya had to continue with the old one. Within a week the
streets of Barcelona filled up with indignant people, many, though not all by
far, shouting for independence. Soon after, Artur Mas, a right wing upper class
politician with close friendships in USA and Israel, gathered the nascent
independence movement around his party, CiU. This was a strange decision, to
say the least, because the burgesia catalana has business contacts all over Spain.
Surely, they wouldn't want to risk all that by promoting a rather whimsical
independence adventure? Yet it makes sense when we realise the process must
have been the result of negotiations between Rajoy and Mas. Simply put: Madrid
wanted to kill off the Catalan spirit, take the Cat out so to say, and bring
Barcelona back in line behind the capital. Mas were to keep his business
interests if he played along. To this end they chose a high-risk strategy which
even at this point in time may still backfire: Mas would grow the movement and
then just before it got too big Rajoy would crack down and dump Catalanism in
such a deep depression it could never recuperate. Let it have its fun, let the
rauxa (Catalan desire) run its course, and then take it all away, back to the
early seventies. That was the plan, and had been the plan for a while. Mas was
in on it, not out of conviction, but because he had no choice. He needed to
save the business. This may seem rather cynical from Madrid, but that's how
Spanish power brokering works, from the work floor to the highest office. You
rob and steal. Luckily, there are decent people as well. It is the core
expression of what is called clientelism, you totally depend on the person in
front of you as the law offers no protection. We see this in the way the
judicial system has been politicised by partido popular. Catalan leaders are
sent to jail on totally fabricated allegations, just as in the last couple
years the functioning of Catalan parliament was basically paralysed by
challenging every single law it emitted. Rajoy asks and the tribunals deliver.
Yes, Mr Rajoy is utterly corrupt, but we knew that already.
Unaware of what was going on behind the scenes,
the movement happily grew and people started honestly believing it could be
done, their own republic, politically away from Madrid though economically
still fully tied. Why not? It sounded reasonable and we would of course pay our
dues as we had always done. We were simply free to do what was best for us. If
Madrid couldn't provide us a minimum of trust, then we should create it
ourselves. That not everybody agreed, certainly among the population with
Spanish ties, with foreigners mostly keeping a low profile, was never seen as
problematic. We were going to get a good deal which would benefit the
malcontents as well. Who cares about borders? Though wary of the role politics
played in all this, I fell for the naïve enthusiasm of the many families that
filled the streets of my town every eleventh of September, waving their flags
and singing old Catalan songs. If they really wanted it, then why not give it a
try? I never believed big countries to be particularly democratic. And so we
walked open-eyed into the trap set up for us by Mr Rajoy and the ruling
families hiding behind his unseemly figure. Then came October 2017, our
revolution month. It culminated in the pro forma proclamation of the Catalan
republic while the Senate was already glorifying the crackdown, followed by one
of the strangest weekends I have ever lived in my twelve years here. I was in
town with a student of mine and we were surrounded by happy faces, Mercè
included. Everybody loved their little republic, knowing full-well it would be
gone by Monday morning. But it just felt so good. For two glorious days we were
freed from a Madrid which over the years had been a growing nuisance and then
became a full-on threat. Sunday afternoon was already smeared with a counter
demonstration which not so much asked for union, as their slogans had it, but
rather begged Mr Rajoy to give those Catalans a good old beating up. The new
era was descending upon us.
You get the feeling the European Union were in
on the game. They can only be too happy with centralised rule in their
constituencies, if only to keep things simple. They may have counselled dear
friend Mariano to take it easy on the economy, as too much flight of companies
out of Barcelona is not really helpful to Spain's payments to the northern
masters. It would be nice if the Commission also understood we can't let the
fabric of society get torn apart by brute, vengeful intervention. We need to
stay Catalans to a certain extent to maintain our position, and I can't see how
hurting our economy would be to anybody's benefit. So, if you want us to stop
dreaming of independence, may we suggest a good surgeon to delicately take out
the unwanted feelings? We might even do it ourselves, as our health care ranks
among the finest this country has to offer. We shall forget, if that's what it
takes. No, that is not true. We won't forget, never. But we will accept the
terms.
As their influence is strongest in the early
stages, psyops drive you towards a certain situation, but once there, the
rising pressure can take proceedings in unforeseen directions. I kept a daily
blog of the struggle, writing from the mood I felt around me. 1-O with its
police brutality against voters wasn't particularly nice for many people, but
it was the price we had to pay to appear on worldwide tv, and at least nobody
was killed. Then Puigdemont missed his chance at gaining worldwide notoriety,
preferring to offer Madrid a last opportunity to negotiate. In today's seconds
only attention span era, our little struggle was suddenly not heroic enough.
Game of Thrones apparently is more exciting. We were losing the battle for
sympathy. Only the Anglo-Saxon press showed some consideration, with European
media following the official line that not much was going on and Madrid should
restore order as it deemed fit. Now, with Puigdemont up in his attic somewhere
in Brussels, trying not to become Yasser Arafat, all we have left is our fight
to stay on the screens. A lot of nasty things are still bound to happen, so we
should be able to provide content for a while longer. Particularly the angry
reaction of some of our non-aligned neighbours may be cause for attention.
For a long time to come, the vast majority of
Catalans will never know how they were set up. They will rightly blame Mariano
Rajoy, but not look much further. Soon, they will be concentrating on how to
keep society together. I fear Madrid has done a lot of harm here already, with
its exaggerated and dishonest portrayal of the troubles. But we shall overcome.
We will get back to understanding with our neighbours. That is one thing I like
about this town: in the end the class struggle will always be more important
than any nationalist or religious movement. We were done in by power and we
shall have to bounce back. And we will.